The far right reappropriates the cultural battle concept

France’s far right has embraced the “cultural battle” concept, drawn from Antonio Gramsci’s ideas, to enforce its terminology and pave the way for political wins. Dubbed “right-wing Gramscianism,” this approach unfolds in media, bookstores, and social networks, with the presidential election just over a year away.

The “cultural battle” concept is now linked to France’s far right, which employs it to shape public discourse. Drawn from Italian communist thinker Antonio Gramsci (1891-1937), jailed by fascists, this “right-wing Gramscianism” aims to embed terms like “wokism” or “great replacement” in political talk. Its advocates argue that cultural gains precede electoral triumphs, making the National Rally (RN)’s rise seem inevitable.

This tactic arose in the 1960s, as the far right, sidelined after World War II, confronted the left’s cultural dominance. To overcome the stigma tied to figures like Charles Maurras (1868-1952), it adopted rival strategies, blurring ideological boundaries. Today’s fights occur in bookstore aisles, on airwaves of radios and TVs tied to Vincent Bolloré, and across social media.

However, its creators concede an underlying intellectual void, concealed by linguistic control. With the 2027 presidential election over a year out, this momentum bolsters perceptions of the RN’s steady conquest.

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Jean-Luc Mélenchon rallies supporters in Lyon as antifascist leader amid far-right tensions.
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Jean-Luc Mélenchon positions himself as embodiment of antifascist arc

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Following the death of a far-right militant in Lyon on February 14, 2026, Jean-Luc Mélenchon, leader of La France insoumise, intensifies his populist strategy by positioning himself as the spearhead of an 'antifascist arc' against the Rassemblement national ahead of 2027. His recent statements in Lyon, deemed antisemitic by some, widen the rift with the rest of the left, while the far right calls for a front against him.

Political scientist Emilien Houard-Vial deems the Républicains' (LR) ideological radicalization strategy a losing bet ahead of the 2026 municipal and 2027 presidential elections. In an interview with Le Monde, he examines the call for a « cordon sanitaire » around La France insoumise (LFI) made by Bruno Retailleau following the death of a nationalist militant. This approach, drawing on Rassemblement national (RN) themes, risks diluting the party's identity.

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Economist and former union leader Jean-Christophe Le Duigou has published a book urging unions to engage in politics to block the Rassemblement national. In 'A Long History: Unionism, the Far Right, and Democracy,' he advocates for refounding social citizenship amid the rise in RN votes. He deems moral condemnations and grassroots activism insufficient.

The Rassemblement national, buoyed by wins in Hénin-Beaumont in 2014 and Bruay-la-Buissière in 2020, aims to expand into left-wing strongholds in the Pas-de-Calais mining basin for municipal elections.

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In his first major campaign rally on January 14, 2026, Emmanuel Grégoire, head of a left-wing union list in Paris, sharply criticized his rival Rachida Dati, accusing her of wanting to turn the capital into a « facho lab ». Earlier that day, outgoing mayor Anne Hidalgo defended her record without mentioning her former first deputy, stressing that Paris must remain a left-wing city.

Following Jean-Luc Mélenchon's controversial 'grand remplacement' reference in Villeurbanne, several La France insoumise (LFI) cadres have made skin color a criterion for selecting candidates in the 2026 municipal elections, fueling accusations of racialism within the party.

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In an exclusive interview with Le Figaro, Laurent Wauquiez, leader of LR deputies, expresses his persistent ambition despite the party's internal crises. He believes there is no natural right-wing candidate for the presidential election and pledges to do everything to pull France out of its decadence. This comes as divisions deepen between Wauquiez and Bruno Retailleau over the budget and the union of the right.

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