Repentant businessmen detail 'Camarita' scheme implicating Cristina Kirchner

In the ninth hearing of the Cuadernos case trial, repentant businessmen described a bribery scheme in road public works that directly implicates Cristina Fernández de Kirchner. Statements on pressures for illegal contributions and money flows to El Calafate were reviewed. The federal tribunal resumed reading the accusation in the segment known as 'la Camarita'.

The Cuadernos case again exposed ties between officials and businessmen during the Kirchnerist governments. The Federal Oral Tribunal 7 read imputations from repentants like Aldo Roggio, who recounted pressures from the top of Federal Planning. Julio De Vido allegedly told him that 'no se puede hacer política sin plata', and after his refusal, his business group faced exclusions from bids and delays in certificate payments.

Carlos Wagner, former president of the Argentine Chamber of Construction, admitted payments to Ernesto Clarens to bypass Vialidad Nacional delays, which created 'a very complicated situation' for companies. Others, like Miguel Aznar and Ángelo Calcaterra, detailed deliveries to Claudio Uberti and Clarens's role in speeding up payments in exchange for cash retributions.

Clarens described receiving company funds, converting them to dollars, and handing them to José López, who coordinated with Daniel Muñoz. The final destination was El Calafate, stored in a safe at the Kirchners' house, transported in suitcases via official planes from Aeroparque. He divided the scheme into two phases: from 2004 to 2010, with cartelization and 20% overprices (10% bribes, 10% black money); and post Néstor Kirchner's death, focused on delayed payments.

López reconstructed his 2016 attempt to hide nearly 9 million dollars in a convent, following indications attributed to Cristina Kirchner via Fabián Gutiérrez. He called her 'a very vengeful person' and recounted that in 2011 she requested payment lists for works, approving monthly quotas for companies like Austral Construcciones and Electroingeniería.

Former officials like Nelson Periotti and Cartellone Group businessmen denied involvement in bribes, claiming use of formal circuits. The trial, started in November, accuses Cristina Kirchner and others of illegal collection between 2003 and 2015. The hearing lasted nearly six hours and will resume on December 16.

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Realistic courtroom scene illustrating judicial defense, suspension, and political payment claims in Chile's Belarusian plot scandal involving key figures and company dispute.
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Belarusian plot developments involve judicial defense and suspension

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Supreme Court minister Diego Simpertigue defended his role in rulings linked to the Belarusian plot, as judicial fiscal suspended conservador Sergio Yáber for alleged ties. Deputy Cristián Araya faces claims of receiving payments, affecting José Antonio Kast's campaign. These developments highlight irregularities in a dispute between Consorcio Belaz Movitec and Codelco.

The Public Prosecutor's Office has filed a formal accusation against former gubernatorial candidate Karina Oliva and 10 others for fraud in subsidies during the 2021 electoral campaign in the Metropolitan Region. Prosecutors are seeking seven years in prison for Oliva for declaring unprovided services to obtain undue refunds from Servel. The case involves members of the former Comunes party and the Chile Movilizado Foundation.

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The Seventh Guarantee Court in Santiago began the formalization of Gonzalo Migueles, Mario Vargas, and Eduardo Lagos for bribery, money laundering, and influence peddling in the Belarus plot. Prosecutor Carmen Gloria Wittwer detailed million-dollar payments to former Supreme Court Minister Ángela Vivanco in exchange for favorable rulings for Belaz Movitec against Codelco. The Public Ministry requested preventive detention for the defendants.

Former PSOE militant Leire Díez has told Judge Arturo Zamarriego that she held two meetings with Santos Cerdán in April 2024 as a journalist to inform on Villarejo case matters. Alongside businessman Javier Pérez-Dolset, both deny party ties and seek to nullify recordings where Díez presents herself as Cerdán's 'right hand'. The probe examines alleged influence peddling and bribery to obtain compromising information.

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Chats reveal how a man close to AFA treasurer Pablo Toviggino ordered the transfer of US$4.8 million to Dicetel, a ghost company. The operation involves Juan Pablo Beacon, a financier known as “Fiño,” and Javier Faroni's firm. Meanwhile, Peronism chooses silence, defense, or complicity amid revelations of obscene expenses and million-dollar diversions.

A recorded conversation between María Dolores de Cospedal and José Manuel Villarejo reveals her awareness of police payments to Victoria Álvarez and infiltration in the Mossos d'Esquadra, days before the 1-O referendum in 2017. Judge Manuel García Castellón ignored these audios for two years, according to a police report. Operation Catalonia, part of the dirty war against independence, remains largely uninvestigated.

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Judge Daniel Rafecas prohibited Luciano Pantano and Ana Lucía Conte from leaving the country, identified as alleged testaferros of AFA's Claudio 'Chiqui' Tapia and Pablo Toviggino. A report from the Revenue and Customs Control Agency details the explosive patrimonial growth of their company Real Central SRL, owner of 59 luxury cars. The probe links to alleged money laundering at Sur Finanzas.

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